By Jennifer Haskell
The Wenchuan earthquake, in addition to causing horrific damage and loss of life, has also elicited reflection on where China should go from here. Many Chinese have personally changed their attitudes towards life because of the quake, while others have sought direction for the government and country as a whole.
Wang Liping sees the aftermath of the earthquake as an opportunity for systemic government reform. He says that when the earthquake occurred, the government was drunk on the “Chinese economic miracle,” and the entire country was happily welcoming the Olympic torch. But the disaster changed everything.
After the May 12 earthquake, as the entire country came together, rushing to provide relief and rebuild, people realized the significance of “the disadvantage of late development,”* and couldn't help but ask, in a country that has created an economic miracle, how could the government ignore the warnings of the experts? How could so many primary and middle school buildings collapse? While natural disasters cannot be prevented, if effective systemic preparation takes place (including freedom of the press, freedom of association, democratic elections, etc), the government, in order to win the trust of the people, will take precautions before it is too late. The people can also organize their social power in order to further take precautionary measures, so when disasters occur, losses are limited. Because of the stagnation of political system reform, the earthquake's most horrifying damages occurred in front of the eyes of the world, and the government's rush to provide disaster relief cannot make up for the heavy losses (including loss of life). As illustrated by human experience, natural disasters often aggravate societal risks, as they have even caused the overthrow of dynasties. Because of this, the government and the party, in facing “the disadvantage of late development,” cannot put off this opportunity and instead must advance political system reform with urgency. The May 12 earthquake was a wake up call for the government on the need for reform. It also prompted the government and civil society to work together. A new opportunity for political system reform has come, can we take advantage of it?
Hu Shuli of Caijing Magazine also called for using the earthquake response as a motivating force for reform, more specifically the building of an effective disaster relief system. In recent years, China has faced many huge disasters, ranging from SARS, to this year's snowstorm, to the Wenchuan earthquake. And while these disasters bring to mind the phrase “difficulties strengthen a nation,” (duo nan xing bang) – a phrase that Premier Wen Jiabao famously wrote on the blackboard at a Wenchuan middle school – actions need to be taken to improve disaster prevention and response in the future.
The disaster management system should be built on a legal framework, with clear authority and responsibility, specialized organization, and a clear separation of duties between the central government and localities. The system must be able to analyze risks ahead of time in all areas and assess possible economic and infrastructure damage. Similarly, the disaster response system should take measures to limit losses in the case of disaster, ensuring that not just schools but all public buildings meet strict standards. Japan's work to ensure the safety of its school children after its devastating 1923 Kanto earthquake can provide lessons for China.
Additionally, such a disaster management system must be able to respond rapidly and effectively when disasters strike, as time equals lives. The response must be comprehensive and coordinated among the government, the military, as well as social organizations, in order to take advantage of the specializations that each party brings as well as make full use of all resources. The public also needs to be informed about how to respond in the case of disaster, and channels for donating to the relief efforts need to be set up, even though the main funding should still come from the government. The government should make every effort to be open and transparent with how it allocates money in disaster relief.
After the Wenchuan quake, people's attitudes have become very positive, and China must grasp this opportunity to build an effective disaster management system. While the government has focused a lot of attention recently on disaster relief, the response to the snowstorm in January as well as the earthquake in May prove that there is still much room for improvement. Additionally, we need to make sure not to confuse a strong and powerful government for a “great government.”
While the wounds from this earthquake will heal over time, it will certainly not be the last huge disaster that hits China. From this tragedy, we should build a comprehensive system for effectively managing disasters. This has become China's historic responsibility.
Zhang Lifan sees the outpouring of volunteerism brought about by the earthquake as an opportunity for reform, as the quake caused an awakening of the consciousness of Chinese citizens. Since 1949, even after Reform and Opening, civil society in China has been basically non-existent, and the corruption and bureaucratization of the system have left most Chinese indifferent towards politics and civic life. Hu Jintao's and Wen Jiabao's philosophy of “putting the people first” has attempted to build a “harmonious society,” but there is still much systemic inertia to overcome. While Chinese people have praised their premier's rapid response to the quake, they have also questioned the use of funds and resources by the government and government-run charity organizations, preferring to donate to NGOs that they trust.
The government has always been suspicious of civil society, but the relief efforts represented a huge achievement for social organizations in China, who were able to prove their usefulness to the government. Similarly, the calls to oversee relief funds also represent progress. In 1945, Mao Zedong spoke of the importance of oversight in keeping the government in check, but this has yet to be realized. Requiring government organizations to make public how they spend donations has the same reasoning as taxpayers being able to oversee how the government spends their money.
The large number of people who volunteered to help with disaster relief signals that the Chinese people are gaining a sense of social responsibility. How should the party respond to this awakening of the consciousness of the people? This is an intractable problem, as the current accumulation of populist power, expressed through yelling “Go China!” (jia you) at the Olympic torch relay, can lead to patriotism and nationalism in their traditional, formulaic shapes . As the process of modernization has produced populist sentiments, these often reflect dissatisfaction, anti-elitism, and resentment of the government, and they could also easily foster xenophobia, isolationism, or class warfare. Without government reform, including the elimination of corruption, playing with the fire of populism creates huge risks for the government.
As huge earthquakes reorganize the structure of the earth, they also have the potential to reorganize society. Two years after the 1976 Tangshan earthquake, China embarked on the path of Reform and Opening – a huge reorganization. Can the Wenchuan earthquake inspire a return to our human condition, boost people's morale, inspire awe and re-double our appreciation for being Chinese citizens? How will it affect Chinese society? There is no way of knowing today.
China needs to build a healthy, harmonious society of citizens, as under this idea, we are all volunteers.
Even before the earthquake relief effort died down, commentary in both the Chinese and foreign press turned to how this disaster will change China. Obviously, it is too soon to tell if and how the country will transform because of the quake. The openness with which the government conducted the relief effort could be a sign of change or it could be a false hope. Still, the hope is there that out of such a tragedy will come progress, in the form of democratic reform, building an effective system for disaster management, and/or a renewed sense of civic responsibility. The earthquake has already caused the government to re-evaluate the utility of NGOs and other social organizations, and although we do not know what will come of this re-thinking, the hope remains that such organizations as well as private citizens will continue to press for the positive changes that these and other Chinese commentators see as necessary for Chinese society.
*theory that asserts that late developing countries have the disadvantage of imitating and not innovating and thus lack the motivation for system reform.
Wang Liping sees the aftermath of the earthquake as an opportunity for systemic government reform. He says that when the earthquake occurred, the government was drunk on the “Chinese economic miracle,” and the entire country was happily welcoming the Olympic torch. But the disaster changed everything.
After the May 12 earthquake, as the entire country came together, rushing to provide relief and rebuild, people realized the significance of “the disadvantage of late development,”* and couldn't help but ask, in a country that has created an economic miracle, how could the government ignore the warnings of the experts? How could so many primary and middle school buildings collapse? While natural disasters cannot be prevented, if effective systemic preparation takes place (including freedom of the press, freedom of association, democratic elections, etc), the government, in order to win the trust of the people, will take precautions before it is too late. The people can also organize their social power in order to further take precautionary measures, so when disasters occur, losses are limited. Because of the stagnation of political system reform, the earthquake's most horrifying damages occurred in front of the eyes of the world, and the government's rush to provide disaster relief cannot make up for the heavy losses (including loss of life). As illustrated by human experience, natural disasters often aggravate societal risks, as they have even caused the overthrow of dynasties. Because of this, the government and the party, in facing “the disadvantage of late development,” cannot put off this opportunity and instead must advance political system reform with urgency. The May 12 earthquake was a wake up call for the government on the need for reform. It also prompted the government and civil society to work together. A new opportunity for political system reform has come, can we take advantage of it?
Hu Shuli of Caijing Magazine also called for using the earthquake response as a motivating force for reform, more specifically the building of an effective disaster relief system. In recent years, China has faced many huge disasters, ranging from SARS, to this year's snowstorm, to the Wenchuan earthquake. And while these disasters bring to mind the phrase “difficulties strengthen a nation,” (duo nan xing bang) – a phrase that Premier Wen Jiabao famously wrote on the blackboard at a Wenchuan middle school – actions need to be taken to improve disaster prevention and response in the future.
The disaster management system should be built on a legal framework, with clear authority and responsibility, specialized organization, and a clear separation of duties between the central government and localities. The system must be able to analyze risks ahead of time in all areas and assess possible economic and infrastructure damage. Similarly, the disaster response system should take measures to limit losses in the case of disaster, ensuring that not just schools but all public buildings meet strict standards. Japan's work to ensure the safety of its school children after its devastating 1923 Kanto earthquake can provide lessons for China.
Additionally, such a disaster management system must be able to respond rapidly and effectively when disasters strike, as time equals lives. The response must be comprehensive and coordinated among the government, the military, as well as social organizations, in order to take advantage of the specializations that each party brings as well as make full use of all resources. The public also needs to be informed about how to respond in the case of disaster, and channels for donating to the relief efforts need to be set up, even though the main funding should still come from the government. The government should make every effort to be open and transparent with how it allocates money in disaster relief.
After the Wenchuan quake, people's attitudes have become very positive, and China must grasp this opportunity to build an effective disaster management system. While the government has focused a lot of attention recently on disaster relief, the response to the snowstorm in January as well as the earthquake in May prove that there is still much room for improvement. Additionally, we need to make sure not to confuse a strong and powerful government for a “great government.”
While the wounds from this earthquake will heal over time, it will certainly not be the last huge disaster that hits China. From this tragedy, we should build a comprehensive system for effectively managing disasters. This has become China's historic responsibility.
Zhang Lifan sees the outpouring of volunteerism brought about by the earthquake as an opportunity for reform, as the quake caused an awakening of the consciousness of Chinese citizens. Since 1949, even after Reform and Opening, civil society in China has been basically non-existent, and the corruption and bureaucratization of the system have left most Chinese indifferent towards politics and civic life. Hu Jintao's and Wen Jiabao's philosophy of “putting the people first” has attempted to build a “harmonious society,” but there is still much systemic inertia to overcome. While Chinese people have praised their premier's rapid response to the quake, they have also questioned the use of funds and resources by the government and government-run charity organizations, preferring to donate to NGOs that they trust.
The government has always been suspicious of civil society, but the relief efforts represented a huge achievement for social organizations in China, who were able to prove their usefulness to the government. Similarly, the calls to oversee relief funds also represent progress. In 1945, Mao Zedong spoke of the importance of oversight in keeping the government in check, but this has yet to be realized. Requiring government organizations to make public how they spend donations has the same reasoning as taxpayers being able to oversee how the government spends their money.
The large number of people who volunteered to help with disaster relief signals that the Chinese people are gaining a sense of social responsibility. How should the party respond to this awakening of the consciousness of the people? This is an intractable problem, as the current accumulation of populist power, expressed through yelling “Go China!” (jia you) at the Olympic torch relay, can lead to patriotism and nationalism in their traditional, formulaic shapes . As the process of modernization has produced populist sentiments, these often reflect dissatisfaction, anti-elitism, and resentment of the government, and they could also easily foster xenophobia, isolationism, or class warfare. Without government reform, including the elimination of corruption, playing with the fire of populism creates huge risks for the government.
As huge earthquakes reorganize the structure of the earth, they also have the potential to reorganize society. Two years after the 1976 Tangshan earthquake, China embarked on the path of Reform and Opening – a huge reorganization. Can the Wenchuan earthquake inspire a return to our human condition, boost people's morale, inspire awe and re-double our appreciation for being Chinese citizens? How will it affect Chinese society? There is no way of knowing today.
China needs to build a healthy, harmonious society of citizens, as under this idea, we are all volunteers.
Even before the earthquake relief effort died down, commentary in both the Chinese and foreign press turned to how this disaster will change China. Obviously, it is too soon to tell if and how the country will transform because of the quake. The openness with which the government conducted the relief effort could be a sign of change or it could be a false hope. Still, the hope is there that out of such a tragedy will come progress, in the form of democratic reform, building an effective system for disaster management, and/or a renewed sense of civic responsibility. The earthquake has already caused the government to re-evaluate the utility of NGOs and other social organizations, and although we do not know what will come of this re-thinking, the hope remains that such organizations as well as private citizens will continue to press for the positive changes that these and other Chinese commentators see as necessary for Chinese society.
*theory that asserts that late developing countries have the disadvantage of imitating and not innovating and thus lack the motivation for system reform.
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