A new kind of Chinese nationalism

I have one slight issue with this article I wrote. But I still more or less like it. here

Chinese nationalism: from May 4th to recent anti-foreign sentiment to disaster relief

By Jennifer Haskell

This year’s anniversary of the May 4^th Movement coincidentally fell at a time of resurgent Chinese nationalism in the face of widespread protests of the Olympic torch relay and allegations of anti-Chinese bias in the Western media. Thinking back 89 years, it becomes obvious that Chinese nationalism is nothing new and has deep roots in modern Chinese history. Many commentators have compared the recent events to the 1999 protests after the United States accidentally bombed the Chinese Belgrade embassy and 2005 protests of Japanese textbooks that gloss over history. Yet, today’s “angry youth” (fen qing) who have demonstrated in front of and called for a boycott of Carrefour also have forbearers in the early twentieth century, though unlike their May 4^th predecessors, they lack much of a motivating ideology that goes beyond love of country.

On May 4, 1919, students protested in Tiananmen Square against the Treaty of Versailles, which had been completed in April and gave Germany’s concession in Shandong to the Japanese instead of back to China. The students undoubtedly thought of themselves as patriots. They were indignant at foreign countries for taking advantage of and ignoring China’s interests and also at the new Chinese government for not daring to stand up to such encroachments. In anger, demonstrators burnt down the house of Cao Rulin, the Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs and part of the Chinese delegation at the Paris Peace Conference. Growing support for the student-led movement forced the government to release arrested students, refuse to sign the Treaty of Versailles, and fire three targeted officials including Cao Rulin. The May 4^th demonstrations also promoted a rather effective boycott of Japanese goods in protest of Japan’s aggression against China.

Today’s nationalism has certainly taken a different, more modern face; much of it is expressed online in BBS forums and by attaching “[heart] China” to MSN screennames, and it has also spread to overseas Chinese who have demonstrated against the West’s treatment of their homeland. Different in form, much of the general sentiment is the same as the May 4 protesters’ almost 90 years ago. Chinese patriots again have a sense of being wronged by foreign countries, both in the biased and outright incorrect reporting on the March riots in Lhasa and the disruption of the torch relay by “Free Tibet” protesters in Western countries. Similar to other anti-foreign protests in the past – including the May 4^th movement – today’s nationalists have called for boycotts of foreign businesses, focusing on the French supermarket chain Carrefour, which has alleged but unsubstantiated ties to the Dalai Lama. Unlike in 1919, enthusiasm for the boycott died down quickly as some small protests occurred at stores throughout the country, but most people continued to shop.

Recent nationalism has focused more on wrongdoings by foreign countries, but it has also taken on Chinese citizens who are seen as “traitors” to the nation. Nationalist netizens have targeted Duke University student, Grace Wang, who urged dialogue with “Free Tibet” protesters and former heroine and handicapped torchbearer Jin Jing who opposed the Carrefour boycott. Wang, especially, has become an object of netizens’ anger, as the lives of her and her family members have been threatened, their home vandalized, and her high school diploma revoked. Today’s nationalists, unlike their 1919 predecessors, for the most part, have not targeted the government. The CCP has become rather adept at allowing Chinese citizens to vent through nationalism while not letting it get out of hand, both for the sake of foreign relations and the stability of the government. Xinhua and other media published a slew of articles condemning biased reporting in the West and the inflammatory remarks made by CNN’s Jack Cafferty, thereby proving the government's nationalist credentials. Yet when calls for a boycott strengthened, the government quickly attempted to dampen anti-foreign sentiment for fear it would become uncontrollable. The May 4^th Movement was a clear demonstration of dissatisfaction with the Nationalist government's handling of foreign affairs, and today, the CCP is quite attune to how quickly nationalism could turn against the Party.

Yet, the May 4^th Movement represents much more than pure anti-foreign, nationalist sentiment. It is inextricably intertwined with the New Culture Movement of the same period. The New Culture Movement, led by Chinese intellectuals including Chen Duxiu and Hu Shi, advocated the adoption of Western ideas – the most iconic of which were Science and Democracy – in order to modernize and compete with the West. On the anniversary in 2006, while speaking at Beijing Normal University, Premier Wen Jiabao emphasized Science and Democracy as the main themes of the May 4th Movement, which should continue to be applied today, even going so far as to say that democracy includes criticism and oversight of government.

Still, the meaning of May 4^th, the New Culture Movement, and the ties between the two are up for debate. While some claim that the New Culture Movement represented not a revival of culture as Hu Shi claimed but a total destruction of traditional Chinese culture, while others assert that it was not a renunciation of all traditional culture but was more of a search for ideas that worked. Others argue that May 4^th and the New Culture Movement should not be conflated, and Hu Shi himself saw the two as very separate. Instead, the CCP created the idea of a close connection between the two, utilizing the legacy of May 4 for its own purposes and defining the movement in a way that has set up the Party as the movement's natural successor. Still, even if one sees the May 4^th Movement in isolation from the New Culture Movement, there is no doubt that May 4 and the spirit it represented helped push forward new intellectual thought in the early twentieth century and that it remains a symbol of “Science and Democracy” in the consciousness of the PRC. An article in the Beijing Daily described the May 4th Movement as a search for a new direction, something which definitely applies to the New Culture Movement as well. At the time, China was in a state of flux and seeking the appropriate response to changes thrust upon the country as well as its own place in the world.

There is no doubt that contemporary China is also in the midst of great change, as the Chinese people once again are trying to figure out where they stand. The paradox of both standing up to the West while at the same time utilizing Western ideas was certainly not reconciled in 1919, and today's young nationalists represent a similar paradox. Despite resentment towards the West, it is unlikely that many Chinese today would wish to return to the isolation of the Cultural Revolution. Their lifestyles demonstrate that they have benefited from Reform and Opening, but they do not see Western ideas, least of all democracy, as a panacea. In fact, the “angry youth” come across as distinctly undemocratic, as their treatment of dissenting opinions makes clear. In addition to vilifying Grace Wang, they have also attacked Chang Ping, former deputy editor in chief at Southern Weekend, for arguing for a freer media to counter Western media bias as well as a re-thinking of the Dalai Lama, likely causing him to be demoted. So, other than doubt of the West, what do today's young nationalists stand for? An article in the Southern Metropolis Daily asked this question and concluded that today's youth, unlike previous generations of nationalists, do not have any unifying ideology. While today's “angry youth” are definitely searching for a new direction for China, just as their May 4^th predecessors were, they have not provided many answers as to what that direction could be. If not “Democracy and Science,” then what? To stand for nothing, beyond support for one's country right or wrong, is dangerous and could justify Western worries about the future nature of China's rise.

In a recent op-ed in the International Herald Tribune, David Shambaugh discussed the existence of two types of nationalism in China – “aggrieved, defensive nationalism” and “confident and proud nationalism.” The violence that occurred on May 4 certainly exemplified defensive nationalism, as did the branding of traitors during this year's controversy. In 1919, patriotic Chinese had good reason to be angry after years of exploitation and abuse by foreign powers. However, China today, after many years of stunning economic growth and increasing international influence, has many more reasons to be confident in its nationalism. Furthermore, it is more likely that proud, not defensive, nationalism will achieve the international respect that is sought. After the recent devastating earthquake in Sichuan, the Chinese people are displaying such proud, confident nationalism. The outpouring of support and grief for those affected by the disaster, in the form of volunteering, donations, and expressions of solidarity, from Chinese all over the country – especially from students – has been impressive. The response to the disaster has done nothing if not demonstrate how nationalism, in its proud, confident form, can help a country come together to overcome adversity in a constructive, positive way.

Lack of public oversight, wealth inequality: worrisome signs in 2008

This is the first major translation I did. After it first went up, I read it again and decided it sucked but oh well. here

By Zhong Peizhang, translated by Jennifer Haskell

(The author of this article is the former Chief of the News Bureau at the Central Publicity Department of the CPC. Chinese version)

"I am the type of person who fully recognizes suffering; I fear that this year will be the most difficult for the Chinese economy." Wen Jiabao

After the 17^th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party, the eleventh session of the National People's Congress opened. Both meetings focused on the topics of democracy and the people's livelihood, and both paid great attention to improving the situation for China's rural residents and improving the well-being of the people. As an element of political system reform, administrative reform also took a step forward. This demonstrates that China is continuing to move forward with reform, and that the tide of history is in the hearts of the people and the party.

In its thirty years of reform and opening up, China has achieved huge successes, which have been praised by both Chinese and non-Chinese alike. There are even those outside of China that summarize China's experience as "the Beijing Consensus," which is praise enough to make one drunk with happiness. Open a Chinese newspaper and the "main themes" all sing the country's praise, while other voices are rarely or never heard. Turn on the television and on each channel you can see performances that extravagantly and luxuriously sing a song of peace and prosperity as well as spectacular feats of engineering. Because of this, people cannot help but adopt the mindset of those passengers aboard the Titanic, entirely unaware that they could hit an iceberg or suffer the surprise attack of a storm. According to a study by the American Pew Research Center on the degree of optimism in seventeen countries, 76% of Chinese respondents believe that the future is bright, more than in any other country.

In fact, the gaps between the rich and poor and between the city and the countryside have widened and corruption has not been contained. The weak state of education, healthcare, and social security systems has not changed, as it remains difficult to afford schooling, housing, and doctors' visits. We are destroying our ecological environment and the problems worsen each day. In facing this reality, people have differing opinions. Currently in China there are two debates: move forward or go back? Move gradually or move radically?

There is no road back.. The Party's 17^th National Congress already gave a clear and resounding answer to that question. However, as long as the situation described above does not change, there will be cries to return, and even cries to "make class struggle the guiding principle', a return to the rhetoric of the Cultural Revolution.

Based on historical experience and China's current situation, the NPC and CPPCC have taken to follow the correct sequence to gradually institute reform as their main tune. Furthermore, gradualness has become the consensus of more and more people. At the same time, if the problems outlined above are not resolved or if reform comes to a standstill as bureaucracy, vested interests, and monopoly groups use "stability first" and other such slogans to cover, obstruct or even submerge reform, radical conflict could break out at any time. We still need to watch out for repeated mass incidents that could one day become furious enough to threaten governance by the CPC.

So should we move forward or go back? Should we move gradually or move radically? These two debates will continue in China for a long time.

Where does the worry come from?

As the year 2008 began, China experienced a disastrous snowstorm that froze half the country and left many southern locations paralyzed. The electric power network collapsed in many areas, food shortages arose, and many workers returning home for the Spring Festival ran into difficulties. The crisis brought to light the deficiencies in China's preparation for dealing with such disasters and its emergency response system. It also exposed China's coal reserves and energy crisis as well as the negative consequences of corruption, as monopoly companies had used inferior materials, which weakened the nation's power network.

Thanks to global warming, this type of extreme weather condition could easily become a common occurrence instead of a once in a lifetime phenomenon. A March 19 article on the Christian Science Monitor's website by Jacques Leslie highlighted some of the environmental problems that have resulted from China's rapid economic development, including deforestation and desertification. Leslie asserts, "Of course, what the Chinese are chiefly guilty of is emulating the American economic model, in promoting the development of the automobile industry as a centerpiece of growth, which worsens traffic as well as pollution."

China needs to be on its guard against multinational corporations that take advantage of the deficiencies of the country's environmental protection management, and more and more people are attuned to the actions of these corporations. Beijing officials are taking temporary measures to cut down on pollution for the Olympic Games, but no one knows whether this will continue to be a focus after the event concludes.

Other worries include the possibility of American economic woes affecting China, as prices in the mainland are already facing large inflationary pressure. And as Beijing prepares to host the Olympics, the Lhasa riots have woken people up to the possibility of other attacks. We all must be attuned to the possibility of facing a huge disaster. In today's circumstances, how can China's 1.3 billion people only rely on our prime minister's "full recognition of suffering"? When do we make our officials at all levels wake up from their focus on creating GDP growth and constructing their own image and earnestly bear responsibility to the people for the success of future generations?

Who will monitor the spending of the people's money?

During the past 30 years of rapid economic development, China has accumulated a large amount of wealth. Wen Jiabao's report on the work of the government listed a series of dazzling figures: China's GDP in 2007 reached 24.66 trillion RMB, the fourth largest in the world. Total government revenue reached 5.13 trillion RMB, increasing by a factor of 1.71. Foreign currency reserves surpassed 1.52 trillion RMB, the largest in the world. Speaking at the NPC, Hu Jintao said that China's success is owed to the people. Under the leadership of the CCP, all of the Chinese people have made concerted efforts and struggled tenaciously for this result.

China has begun to accumulate wealth, but who is actually wealthy? How much benefit have the people actually received during reform and opening up?

According to the analysis of Professor Chen Zhiwu, after accounting for inflation, from 1995 to 2007, government revenues increased 5.7 times. At the same time, the per capita disposable income for city and town residents' only increased by a factor of 1.4, while farmers' per capita disposable income increased by a factor of 1.2. Tax revenue is only the most obvious parts of government revenue. In reality, the government is China's largest holder of assets, so as the country's economy has developed, the increase in value of government owned enterprises, public land, and mineral resources is greater than that of tax revenue. The speed of increase is also faster. More than 76% of assets in China are owned by the state, leaving the people with less than 25%. Counting allocable revenue from assets along with the 5.1 trillion RMB in tax revenue, last year the government's total allocable revenue was 15.7 trillion RMB.

As the above situation demonstrates, the reality of China today is that the country is rich while the people are poor. As Professor Chen Zhiwu points out, the biggest gap between the rich and poor in China today is between the state and society, not among the majority of the people.

Government officials are also public servants, and in their hands, they have a large amount of the people's money. How is that money spent? This is a question that people in all modern countries have the right to ask. In a country governed by law, the most important thing is that the money is governed by law. When government exercises the right to do good things for the people, the most basic thing is managing money well. In modern nations, as taxpayers, the people strictly monitor how the government spends their money. At this meeting of the NPC and CPPCC a strong voice should call to account: 5 trillion in state revenue, plus 0.7 trillion of excess revenue, how is it spent?

Who is monitoring how the government spends the money? China has not implemented a separation of the legislative, judicial and executive branches of government in a system of mutual restraint, as it is said that this is a capitalist concept, while China is implementing the socialist people's congress system. The people can entrust essential oversight to the National People's Congress. However, the NPC has so far not sincerely carried out its work of overseeing public finances, which is appalling. According to an official in the Ministry of Finance, Jia Kang (Director of the Ministry of Finance's Research Institute of Fiscal Science), each year during the time the NPC is in session, the Ministry of Finance sends a group of mid-level cadres to each small meeting to explain the ministry's actions and answer questions raised by the NPC. For the past few years he has not had any opportunity to speak at these meetings because no deputies have raised questions. What people further do not understand is that the NPC has taken this sacred responsibility, bestowed on it by the people, and given it to the government itself. When there is no system of oversight, government inevitably begins to operate in a "black box" and abuse its power, especially when it comes to excess revenue. Some provinces and cities use any means possible to persuade central government offices and leaders to approve their plans and allocate money to them. How does this prevent corruption?

Without a strict oversight system, there is no transparency in public finance. People again put their hopes in the "Sunshine Act," which namely oversees officials' assets. As early as 1766, Swedish citizens had the right to examine a list of how much everyone from ordinary to top officials paid in taxes. This system, which has been used as a reference by many countries around the world, became a very effective anti-corruption mechanism, so it became known as the "Sunshine Act." Currently, more than ninety countries around the globe have systems where officials must report their assets, including the Asian countries of Singapore and South Korea, and China's SARs of Hong Kong and Macao. These systems play a vital role in fighting corruption. In October 2005, the NPC approved China's ascension to the "UN Convention against Corruption." As the convention stipulated, "Each State Party shall consider establishing, in accordance with its domestic law, an effective financial disclosure system for appropriate public officials and shall provide for appropriate sanctions for non-compliance." In the past few years, there have already been many deputies, such as Wang Jinjie from Yantai, Shandong and Han Deyun from Shanghai, who have continuously proposed bills and suggestions related to a system for reporting officials' assets at the meeting of the NPC. Chinese people from all walks of life are also very interested in this topic. In January 2008, more than fifty retired high level officials and scholars signed a letter to the NPC and CPPCC requesting that they quickly formulate and implement a "Law for the Public Reporting of Officials' Assets at the County Level or Above", but many officials resisted on technical grounds. So, to this day, we still have not seen this vital aspect of the legal system formulated or implemented.

Only with a strict, effective system of oversight can we effectively prevent corruption. This is not only important in managing the people's money but also in cultivating people's talents to become good cadres and officials.

In answering a reporter's question at the NPC press conference, Premier Wen Jiabao said, "In the next five years, we will resolutely advance the reform of the public finance system so that the people's money will be better spent in pursuit of the people's interests." The people hope that they will not have to wait five more years before they can see an open and transparent financial system.

"Only if you put the people in your heart can the people allow you to govern"

These words were said at a press conference by Wen Jiabao. People can see that as a country's economic situation improves, officials consider how to bring that benefit to the people. Not only Singapore, but also China's Hong Kong and Macao have acted in this way. Russia is also a great example. After the collapse of the USSR and the disaster of "shock therapy," Putin's powerful measures have helped the country's economy recover, as last year's growth rate reached 8.1%. At a news release conference, a Western reporter asked about Russia's presidential elections, "Why is there no competition in the Russian politics?" Putin answered, "Wages have gone up by 16%, that is my answer for you." His answer reflects the idea of putting the people in your heart. With people at the center of Russia's economic growth, they can earnestly benefit, and Putin and his officials can safely retain the leadership positions given to them by the people.

Another question worth thinking about is why China continues to rely on cheap exports and does not call on its own great purchasing power. Why is America's purchasing power the highest in the world? In the US, the government owns virtually no productive assets, while in China the government owns 76% of all assets. Americans' have a savings rate of –1%, while at the same time they invest in stocks and mutual funds, and they can rely on the rising value of their assets to make money. We cannot believe that the state-owned economy will make us rich. "There has never been a country that got rich while maintaining a large state-owned economy, and there has never been a country that truly relied on the state system for wealth." (Chen Zhiwu, The Driving Force for the Future of the Chinese Economy). Besides in "returning the wealth to the people", the country should also "hide the wealth within the people," thus, the private economy must be actively encouraged to develop for the benefit of the people.

How can we still reform gradually?

Gradual reform has already become the consensus of more and more Chinese people.

There are many historical arguments for gradual reform. Right before his death, Engels changed his thoughts on how to create a socialist society, saying that the old capitalist system could be changed peacefully via the democratic and constitutional processes. Additionally, in the 20^th century, many European countries used gradual reform to put democratic socialism into effect. Within the capitalist structure, countries like Sweden, via the development of production capability and regulating allocation, have basically eliminated the gaps between city and countryside, between workers and farmers, and between laborers and management. They have also prevented the rise of a privileged class and put an end to official corruption.

The United States also used gradual reform to achieve its success. Despite experiencing economic crises, social crises, racial conflict, and cold and hot wars over the past hundred years, the US not only avoided violent revolution, coup-de-tat, or other forms of government overthrow but also became the lone superpower. The US's success can be credited to its gradual reform, as its defining characteristic is gradual improvement and compromise, both of which work to neutralize conflicts and crises. Additionally, one can learn from the failure of Russia's radical reform in the 1990s and the mistake of copying Western models without regard for the local situation.

China's thirty years of gradual reform prove that this road is the correct one to lead the country towards success. The Chinese people have survived long periods of chaos and disaster and suffered much harm. How can we continue to advance? Deng Xiaoping's deep and wise words, "crossing the river by feeling the stones," means that China's reality must be clearly recognized and policies must be based on it. However, this is not to say that we can unswervingly hold onto the notion of "stability before everything else." Our goal is still to "cross the river," and follow the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and this means continuing with reform and opening up in order to advance.

The three essential points of gradual reform

How can we ensure that gradual reform continues?

1. Emancipate our minds

Hu Jintao said, "emancipating our minds is precious," while Wen Jiabao added that emancipating our minds can never stop. Both are correct. Only by emancipating our minds can we take all of humanity's creation and use it towards civilized achievements to enrich our thinking. Only by emancipating our minds can we cultivate our own skill to the level of mastery and enrich our creative talent. Only by emancipating our minds can China stop acting as the "factory of the world," and become a country with high levels of intellectual property creation, with the Chinese people contributing to modern human civilization.

In order to emancipate our minds, we first need to thoroughly destroy "capitalist phobia". We believe what the Communist Manifesto, the bible of Marxism, clearly points out, that capitalist creation of wealth creates much more wealth than what was created in any other period of human history. Even today, in many areas, capitalism creates the vanguard of production capability. Only if you have the ability to climb to the peak of capitalist creation can you then create a new peak of socialism. Why do we want to bind ourselves by Mao Zedong's "Two All" or the slogans of other leaders, but dare not take the clearly useful experience of the past hundreds of years of capitalist creation for our own use?

2. Earnestly advance government system reform

If we sincerely want to resolve the issues pointed out at an early time by Deng Xiaoping, the excessive accumulation of power and the separation of party and state, we must earnestly make the legislature and judiciary independent. In its many years, the NPC has passed many laws, but it has not conscientiously done work towards its oversight function. At many levels of government, the heads of the people's congresses are often also the head of the government. Many governors or mayors are also people's deputies, both athlete and referee. How can someone oversee himself? The NPC should earnestly oversee the government's finances and quickly formulate and put into practice a system to report on officials' assets. Hong Kong set up the Independent Commission Against Corruption, which effectively monitors all of the region's officials, so why can't the mainland do it too?　

3. Guarantee free speech and set up community oversight

It is impossible to imagine a country on earth or a type of society that is perfect and without fault, where everything is harmonious and without contraction. The issue lies in choosing to expose weakness and resolving contradictions or choosing to shut the lid, allowing problems to intensify and moving towards corruption and break down. One could say, since its birth, capitalism has matured by listening to those who expose its weaknesses and provide criticism. Even today, the Western world still thinks of Marx, the 19th century philosopher who proffered the most severe criticism of capitalism, as the world's greatest thinker. In the US, from politicians to ordinary citizens, most believe that spiritedly blowing the horn of criticism is a "main theme" of society and provides lubricant for societal advancement and a catalyst for government reform.

As forces continue to move China forward, along with the wise leaders at all levels who make decisions, China also depends upon the initiatives of members of society at all levels as well as on the oversight of public opinion. In past Chinese dynasties, wise leaders always utilized criticism and oversight for the advancement of governance. For example, Tang Taizong regarded Wei Zheng's criticism as necessary and valuable. Today, however, some Chinese officials do not hear opposing views, and some county party secretaries have jailed those who disagree with them. Why is the positive power of loving one's country and one's people regarded as a scary, hostile power? We need to sincerely safeguard the right to free speech. The United Nations passed the "International Convention on the Rights of Citizens and Governments." As a permanent member of the UN Security Council, China signed the convention ten years ago, but we are still waiting for the NPC to approve implementation of the agreement. The people also hope that the NPC can formulate and implement laws to safeguard freedom of the press that have been discussed for the past twenty to thirty years.

As the author of Cold Eyes Towards the West, Zi Zhongyun points out, "in one word, the separation of powers, supervision of public opinion, and the critical spirit of intellectuals, can these special American good luck charms continue to effectively restrict the power of money and the market? This is America's biggest test as it enters the 21^st century." We have definitely not reached the end of history, as the advancement of development has always come from struggling with contradiction. All countries have endured these types of tests. Let our country face these tests and advance without fear.

Chinese leaders have already said the words that many people hope to hear. A thousand miles begins with a single step. Now people hope to see sincere action. Taking education as an example, the quality of education determines the quality of a people and the people's destiny and future. Chinese leaders say they want to prioritize education, but for many years, the amount of money put into education is still not more than what is spent on state-owned cars and food and drink at the public's expense. The UN standard for education spending is 6% of GDP. The average level worldwide is 4.9%, while the average for developing countries is 4.1%. China's education spending has fluctuated between 2-3%, with the set goal being to reach 4% by 2010. Although many NPC and CPPCC deputies have appealed for action, education spending still did not reach 4% in 2007. We say we want universal compulsory education, but today in China more than 80% of primary schools and more than 64% of middle schools are in rural areas. Furthermore, many county governments have large debts, so how can they guarantee the quality of compulsory education? Leaders say that education must be fully supported in spite of financial constraints and that they want to make China into a country of creation. Now our country has money. Can we resolutely study the high levels of investment that countries like Sweden and Holland put into education and become a world leader in creation? The people are waiting.

麻烦 My day of annoyances

There is no English word like 麻烦. It basically means annoying or to annoy, but really those words do not live up to how great the word 麻烦 (ma fan) is. And really, today has all been about 麻烦.

First there was the 事情 that began yesterday. In trying to get a visa for the summer, I've been working though connections of connections, which means I need to go to 无锡 Wuxi, a city in Jiangsu, China. It also means the people who are helping me with this don't give a damn about me or my schedule. After I called them, they told me I need to go to Wuxi this Sunday. Which is great except that I have final exams scheduled for students this Monday. And apparently the time they schedule to process this visa cannot be changed. So now I need to change exam times for 50 students from about 5 different classes, some of which I don't have contact information for.

Then there's the little things: the student who called me this morning saying he can't make his exam time on Thursday and therefore he needs to take it on Monday (I think I forgot to tell him i'll be in Wuxi...). Another student just called, asking where I was. This is a student who I think may have come to class once before the final exam. Maybe. She's the only English major student who I did not recognize. Which means she never gave a speech, which means she needed to give one this Thursday. Apparently when I said Thursday she heard Wednesday. I would feel sorry for her but she never came to class.

Then there's the random person who had added me on MSN awhile ago. I said yes cuz I figured I must know this guy from somewhere. So he ims me today asking who I am. He thought I was Joseph Haskell, a common mistake with my email address. Everyone thinks i'm someone else. He keeps bothering me asking for Joseph's email address. Obviously I have absolutely no idea who Joseph is. It turns out this guy is a 12 year old from Canada. Before I found that out, he had asked my age and if I was married.

挺麻烦·

美国选举 Presidential Politics

So the primary is finally over, and as we have known for awhile, Obama emerged the victor. Ever since Bill Richardson (hands down the most qualified candidate) dropped out of the race, I have been a Clinton supporter. Her policy positions are so similar to Obama's, and on policy, I am split between the two, but I honestly believe that Clinton would be a better leader and president than Obama would, and I greatly admire her perseverance.

Still, I am not an avid Clinton supporter. I did not request an absentee ballot and vote in the Pennsylvania primaries (even though I see it as my civic duty to do so) because I was tired of the long horse race, as well as some of the tactics her campaign used. I admire Obama and understand how he inspires so many people. And I will happily vote for him in November.

And yes I think there was an implicit element of gender in the race, and as a feminist I find this disappointing and insulting. And yes I think Hillary should have addressed this, as Obama addressed the racial element. Women still have a long way to go to actually achieve equality, and I will forever look up to Clinton as a model for what strong women can achieve, as well as a symbol for the barriers women face.

Still, I do not think Obama is sexist. If he is, he is still much less so than McCain is, plus his policies are obviously more progressive and in the interest of the common people than McCain's. That's why I find it disappointing that some Clinton supporters are saying that they will not support Obama in the fall. I hope that they take the time to consider the policies and histories of the two candidates and realize that Obama is the smarter choice. Yes, women often lost opportunities to others, but we should also be able to celebrate Obama's historic achievement as well. Let bygones be bygones and support the Democratic Party's chance to take back the White House.

纪念日 Anniversaries

Chinese remember anniversaries with dates.

5/4 is the May 4^th Movement

10/1 is the founding of the PRC,

8/1 is the founding of the PLA (the CCP's/China's army)

Of course there are dates that aren't remembered publicly. For decades, people in Taiwan could not speak of 2/28, when KMT forces crushed pro-native Taiwanese protesters. And of course there is today: 6/4.

The beginning of the disconnect between Chinese and Westerners about this date is the name. If you refer to “Tiananmen” to a Chinese person, he or she will think of the Gate of Heavenly Peace and Tiananmen Square – symbols of national pride. If you refer to the “Tiananmen Square Massacre,” he or she will might not know what you are talking about. If you refer to the “Tiananmen Square protests,” he or she will probably wonder which protests you are referring to (there were protests in front of the gate in 1919 and in the square in 1976 and 1987 as well...and i'm probably forgetting some). However, if you say 6/4, he or she will (probably) know exactly what you are talking about.

Similarly, while today's Chinese students may not recognize the “guy in front of a tank” picture, which to the West is symbolic of 6/4, they still talk about and care about this event, even if they were not born at the time. I've talked to Chinese students from the high school camp this past summer about it as well as current college students. They've told me their parents' experiences and are interested in the ideas that 6/4 brings up, even if they realize that such a movement would not be possible today.

While I will readily admit that the Western media over uses this incident as proof of the Chinese government's brutality, etc, I also firmly belief in the right to peaceful protest and am firmly against the covering up of history. So...

永远不要忘记 – Never forget.

迷信 Superstition

All countries have superstitions, I just happen to find China's more interesting, not just because I live here but also because they tend to use language in interesting ways (with the exception of the superstitions or 谣言 – rumors as the government has called them – about ways in which the earthquake should be been prevented). For example, the number 4 is bad because it sounds like death, while 8 is good because it sounds like becoming rich. You should never split a pair (分梨) because you don't want to split up (分离) – they also sound the same).

As I said, the number 8 is good. In fact, its auspiciousness is so ingrained in Chinese thinking that the non-religious, anti-superstition Communist government planned the beginning of the Olympics for 8/8/2008 at 8pm. Though now people are beginning to doubt the traditional thinking that 8 is lucky. Note the following dates:

1/25 snowstorm

3/14 Lhasa riots

5/12 Sichuan earthquake

If you add up the digits in each date, they each add up to 8. I usually stack this stuff up to coincidence (and as noted in a blog entry I read today, the Shandong train crash doesn't fit this pattern), though it still does make you wonder.

I'm not superstitious. Most of the time. As a die-hard sports fan though, one always believes that things one does ruin opportunities for their favorite teams. Additionally, when I was told that in your 本命年 – every 12 years or the year that is associated with the same animal of the Chinese zodiac as the year you were born in – you are supposed to wear red every day, I bought a red bracelet that I have worn ever since. I don't believe in anything, so why not “believe” in this? One day a few weeks back, I was having a really bad, annoying day. About halfway through said annoyingness, I looked down at my wrist and realized that I had forgotten to put on my red bracelet after taking a shower. Let's just say I've been extra careful to make sure i'm wearing it ever since.

灾难与奇迹 Disasters and Miracles

A lot has happened since I last posted, especially in regards to China vis-a-vis the international system (which, if you know me, you know that I might care about this topic...just a little). First there were riots in Tibet, then the mess that was the international leg of the Olympic torch relay, and then a disastrous earthquake in Sichuan. I've had a lot to say about all of this but had difficulty putting it into writing.

In China, as the rescue efforts progressed, the press and the people were constantly looking for miracles - inspiring stories that could provide a glimmer of hope in an otherwise depressing situation. People who lived for over 100 hours buried under rubble; teachers who died saving their students; young children who carried their younger siblings to safety after losing both parents. The stories go on and on. The West is also searching for its own miracle within this disaster - a freer China. In the free reporting allowed on the earthquake and the government's relief efforts, the Western media sees a glimmer of hope of happy, democratic, free days to come. (For one example of this view, see Nicholas Kristof's recent op-ed in the Nytimes that compares China today to Taiwan in the 1980s).

Before I address this topic, I first want to say that I have found the Chinese government's and the Chinese people's response to the earthquake nothing short of impressive. The government certainly learned from its past mistakes as well as the mistakes of other countries (see not only Myanmar but also Katrina, Hurricane). And if I were Chinese, I would be full of praise for Wen Jiabao right now too. Was jumping on a plane less than 2 hours after the disaster somewhat politically motivated? Yes. Does "Grandpa Wen" seem to genuinely care about the people? Also, yes - especially compared to his boss, Hu Jintao, and certainly compared to President Bush. I'm not Chinese, and I still felt incredibly moved by his compassion. And the decision to - eventually - permit open reporting on the disaster relief was also impressive. I believe that it was somewhat politically motivated and also somewhat beyond the control of the government, but it certainly worked to increase Chinese confidence in their own government as well as Western confidence in China. (As one of my students said, "For the first time, I actually like the government.")

Still, I think the Western media is overreacting for a few reasons. The first is obvious - the media loves to sensationalize. Sensationalism sells. Additionally, as much as the Western media loves to criticize China, they also love to find that glimmer of hope that change is on the way. The second reason is that I don't find the earthquake response as such a huge departure from the norm. No one would characterize the Chinese media as anywhere near free, but there's a lot that goes on online and even in print (see: Southern Weekend) that challenges the boundaries that traditionally confine the Chinese press. For example, the fact that Chang Ping was even allowed to publish his controversial article says something (long story short, Chang Ping, as a deputy editor, wrote an editorial calling for a freer press as well as a re-thinking of Han relations with minorities, which caused him to be branded a traitor and eventually demoted). So in many ways, I see the open reporting on the earthquake as more a part of China's current trajectory than a sudden, random anomaly.

The final reason is that the open reporting was part politically motivated and part unavoidable (this seems to contradict my last statement but let me continue...). The media has pushed the envelope before (see: nailhouse, 2007), but in most circumstances, the government puts the lid on open reporting. However, this time the government realized that not only would it be next to impossible to stop the open reporting on the disaster but that it would work in their own interests (at least the interests of the central government...) to allow it to continue.

So, although I think the Western media is overreacting and drawing somewhat far-fetched conclusions, I still remain hopeful myself. My firm belief that while this was a sudden bout of extreme openness but that it also fits into the general trajectory towards more media freedom actually makes me more optimistic than those who are hoping for sudden change. After all, gradual reform tends to work better than glasnost.

选词 Word Choice

Anyone who has done any sort of direct translation knows how difficult it is. You may understand the article, story, whatever that is written in your second language, but portraying the ideas accurately in English is pretty difficult. This becomes doubly hard if you are translating from English into your second language (essentially impossible for me).

Phrasing matters. Sometimes even individual word choice is even more important. I was reminded of this when reading about the recent incidents in Tibet (my site is blocked in china anyway...). When reporting in English, the Chinese government talks about the "Dalai clique" that supposedly fueled the riots. However, in Chinese, the government talks about the "达赖集团." The second word, ji tuan, in most cases I would translate as "group." It doesn't have the negative (or 12 year old girl) connotation that clique has. Why translate it as clique? The CCP does a good job of portraying the Dalai Lama in a negative light within its borders, but I personally think that's a lost cause on the international stage. Most who read English reports already think DL is a pretty good guy, and condescending words by the Chinese government are the last things that are going to change such opinions. (Zi suggested that a clique sounds smaller - and more ridiculous. this definitely could have been the reason behind the word choice, but i still think it's a bad idea).

Furthermore, the Chinese government has a history of shooting itself in the foot with bad word choice. The word 宣传 can mean a lot of different things depending upon the context - publicity, public relations, or propaganda. For some reason, for many years, this was always translated as "propaganda." So China had a Propaganda Department (or ministry or something - i'm not sure of the full name). And most Chinese would not realize that the word "propaganda" has a bad connotation. It's nothing like shooting yourself in the foot before you start...

中国的交通经历 Transportation in China

You know, it really doesn't feel like i'm riding the subway in Beijing unless i am literally packed liked sardines against lots of Chinese people to the point where I can't lift my hand up to the read the newspaper its holding let alone grab a handlebar. Otherwise I could be in, you know, a city with a few million less people. But actually, I've grown accustomed to rush hour traffic on the subway, as I commute literally across the city at rush hour twice a week if not more. And it's great to have a cheap, convenient, if not luxurious public transportation system that can take me anywhere I want to go. Chinese people don't believe me when I tell them that the public transportation system in the US sucks. And it does.

The point of this entry is actually to tell you my transportation stories from my travels. Traveling around the country is also cheap (minus the two plane tickets) and convenient, though definitely not luxurious either. I'm just thankful that I left Beijing and Hunan before unusually cold, snowy, and icy weather left hundreds of thousands stranded, waiting for trains (800,000 alone in Guangzhou). Camille and I did miss out on going to two places due to icy roads - Shaoshan, Mao's hometown (we found out that every long distance highway out of Changsha was iced over and not passable in the cab ride *back* from the bus station. we really should have guessed beforehand as every road near her house was in a similar state) and the Dragon Bone Rice Terraces in Guangxi. Otherwise we were pretty lucky.

Our first leg was an uneventful though freezing overnight train from Changsha to Guilin with two of my students . We were just thankful not to sleep through our stop, which came at 4am. Around Guilin, we took a number of buses, which were supposedly "fast" and "direct" but ended up stopping every 2 minutes or so along the way to pick up people on the side of the road until there was not a single place to stand, let alone sit, on the bus. After a bus ride to Nanning, we took our most interesting train ride, to Ningming, a small random town near the Vietnam border that we assumed would be warm (cuz, you know, it was south of everywhere else we had been to) but ended up being just as cold. There were no seats left when we bought tickets, and it was only a 3-4 hour ride so we bought standing room tickets. Apparently half the train is standing room, and there are cars with a long bench lining each side of the car. If you get there early, you get a seat. Otherwise you stand with a hundred other people. We found a relatively nice standing spot in a small space in between cars that looked like it might have been someone's office until passengers had taken a part the desk to sit on the drawers. And we actually ended up with seats on the desk after a PLA soldier came in and efficiently organized the space. It actually ended up being a nice ride, as we talked to a high school student and a university student who ended up helping us find a hotel when we arrived in Ningming.

Our train rides back and forth from Beihai were, in comparison, pretty luxurious (real seats!). As was our flight to Kunming. In Yunnan, however, you have to travel by bus because there are no trains due to the mountainous terrain. Our many bus trips included 3 sleeper buses, which is an experience in itself. Sleeping on a train is not so bad, but on a bus? Our trip from Dali to Xishuangbanna was not on the worst paved roads in Yunnan. However, that is only evident once you take other bus trips in Xishuangbanna or hear about others' experiences. There are some pretty bad roads in Yunnan, and trying to sleep while you are constantly jolted back and forth and up and down is an interesting experience. For a while, I gripped the side of my bed in an attempt to keep my body from going airborne to little avail. At least on that trip we had our own beds (for the most part). On the trip from Kunming to Lijiang, even though our tickets said otherwise, our group of three (Zi, Camille, and I) was shepherded to the back of the bus where there were 5 beds with no separation between them. A Chinese family (mom, dad, little kid) was occupying two of them, and we were given the other three. It's nothing like sleeping with complete strangers, especially when said little kid decides that 4:30am is a great time to have a conversation.

My flight back to Beijing from Kunming was also a nice change. I had actually hoped to buy train tickets, but nearly all trains out of Kunming for the next ten days (they begin selling tickets 10 days in advance) were sold out (Kunming is the end of the rail line so there aren't many trains leaving or going there, and it takes at least one day to get anywhere near the east coast of china from yunnan by train) - the one downside of China's convenient transport system is that it is often extremely difficult to get tickets during the Spring Festival season.

Beijing bicycle

In terms of many factors, I liked many of the cities I visited more than Beijing. Nanning was clean and easy to navigate around. Kunming had beautiful weather and a laid back feel, while Dali and Lijiang had clear skies and beautiful scenery. Jinghong was an interesting blend of SE Asia and China, with warm temperatures and roads lined with palm trees. Yet, I'm glad to be back in Beijing, with its familiar Mandarin (see last entry), familiar bus and subway system, familiar streets, and familiar atmosphere.

I finally did something very "Beijing" yesterday and rented a bicycle. Camille and I had rented bikes in Dali (where I ended up with a sore bottom) and in Jinghong. The latter experience was particularly entertaining, as Camille sat on the back of my bike in Chinese fashion, and I learned to balance correctly (actually not as hard as it looks). I'm sure we looked ridiculous.

Beijing may no longer be the bike capital of the world - its easy and cheap to buy a car, at least compared to Shanghai, which accounts for some of the pollution and much of the traffic. But the apeall of whizzing down the city's long avenues and tiny hutong streets has not lost its appeal. I didn't do much of the latter due to distance, but I did bike most of the way to Tiananmen Square, a long round-about way, stopping in Ritan park. I now know where the North Korean embassy is (you know, in case i ever need to go there), as well as the Russian section of town, whre signs are in cyrillic script and i saw a few guys that if they weren't in the Russian mafia or at least the smuggling business than they should have been.

I'm, again, considering buying a bike. I had thought about it when I first arrived, but the problem is (other than the high likelihood of it being stolen) that most places I go to on a daily or weekly basis are within walking distance (2 grocery stores, the one campus of my school) or too far to bike to(my school's other campus, Zi's apartment). Maybe its nostalgia for Stanford, but I still dream of seeing the city and navigating rush hour traffic on two wheels.